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| Questionable Referendum in Burma |
| Wednesday, 5 March 2008 |
By Zin Linn
In response to the military junta’s announcements for referendum and new elections, political alliances on Thai-Burma border - National Council of the Union of Burma, National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, Ethnic Nationalities Council, Women’s League of Burma, Nationalities Youth Forum, Forum for Democracy in Burma, and Student and Youth Congress of Burma - issued a joint statement on 27 February rejecting the Army General’s regime’s draft Constitutional illegitimate.
The draft bill of the Constitution does not reflect the will of the political parties contested in the 1990 elections. Besides, it does not consult with important ethnic leaders and ignores the political aspirations of the people. The political alliances urge people to clearly state their will by casting "No" votes reject the military dominated constitution.
In the meantime, National League for Democracy (NLD) declared on 28 February that the ruling military junta's designated constitutional referendum could spoil the national reconciliation. NLD was responding to the government's declaration of a law creating procedures for the referendum on a proposed new constitution and for setting up a 45-member commission to take charge of the secret ballot.
Although the junta publicized procedure for the referendum in May, the exact date has not been disclosed. As the members of commission are hand-picked by the junta, NLD statement noted, the unilateral exploit of the junta lacks the trust of the people. Consequently, it damages the essential national reconciliation.
On 29 February, Meg Munn, British Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, told reporters in Bangkok that the referendum in Burma must be an “indisputable process” rather than a “charade” to get rid of growing world pressure.
“The involvement of the NLD is essential and it needs to be genuine process leading to democracy, not something that is just put in place to satisfy the pressure that is there from the international community for change,” Munn said.
After a meeting with Thailand's Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama in Bangkok, Munn suggested neighboring countries of Burma to press on the inflexible regime toward democracy. Thailand and Indonesia can be seen as role models for Burma, as those countries have changed from military control to democracy practice, she said.
On the same 29 February, Christopher Hill, the US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was in Bangkok. During an open talk at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok, Hill said, “The military authorities of Burma should make ways for ethnic groups as well as different political parties.
First of all, we would like to see the release of all political detainees, including Aung San Suu Kyi,” he said.
" I think we all want to see Burma begin to improve its dialogue with its opposition,” he said. “The process of ruling out those people has really left Burma in an isolated state and not a strong state for a country of such strategic importance and size,” Christopher Hill told reporters.
However, hopes for democratic change in Burma were quickly faded away, when the junta said detained Aung San Suu Kyi could not run, while her National League for Democracy (NLD) party disapproved of the constitution.
Dissemination of constitutional matters is strictly controlled by the state-controlled media, and Burmese journalists are not permitted to write freely on political matters. The Law 5/96 explicitly ban public criticism of the National Convention, and is carrying a punishment of 5 to 20 years imprisonment.
On 29 February, military junta has already put on trial around 20 pro-democracy activists under the Law 5/96. The dissenters were in custody in connection with pro-democracy demonstrations, which were cracked down in last September by the government.
According to the advocate of the detained dissidents, his clients were earlier charged with violating the Printing and Publishing Act 17/20, for which they face a maximum seven years imprisonment. They include prominent activists Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Jimmy and Htay Kywe of the 88 Generation Students group, whose protest against economic hardship detonated the outburst of Saffron Revolution in last September. But, the lawyer of the detainees has not yet been able to meet his clients. It is a further evidence for human rights abuses of the junta.
Additionally, freedom of the press is harshly restricted in military ruled Burma. The military censorship branch, known as the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD), is now forcing by threat and intimidation editors to publish propaganda for the junta in their journals and magazines. Scores of writers and journalists suspected of sympathizing with the NLD or the 88 Generation Students group have been banned from contributing to publications.
The regime has also controlled gravely on the Internet Service Providers and Internet-cafes. As an example, a popular blogger, Nay Phone Latt, was arrested on 29 January and put on trial under 8/1996 Video and Television Act that can punish up to 7 years prison-term. Internet cafe owners are noticed to stay away from the outlawed web-sites. Junta’s newspapers also put slogans to avoid radio stations, such as Radio Free Asia, Voice of America and BBC which operates from abroad.
Based on the junta sponsored draft constitution, which was created at the sham national convention in September 2007, the military is seeking to legalize the military’s position as the supreme power in the nation.
That draft set aside a quarter of the available total seats in parliament for military appointees and it also exposes that the president must have a good experience of military affairs. Moreover, the Commander-in-chief of the military has the special power to get involved in national politics. Defense, Security, Home and Border Affairs ministries must be reserved for the military representatives. The draft makes many basic freedoms uncertain under the authorization of the military.
Therefore, it is clear that the junta would not take into account the people’s political aspirations as well as the international community's concerns. Afterward, political unrest may not be preventable around the referendum in May, due to junta’s unilateral act of legalizing its own military privileged constitution.
On the other hand, the UN Envoy Ibrahim Gambari, who is on his way to Burma again, urged Burma's junta on 28 February to re-examine its draft constitution which will go ahead for a referendum in May. He also said in an interview in Tokyo that an early release of the Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi is imperative to the future process of democratization in Burma. He said that the junta should take into account the contributions and opinions of National League for Democracy (NLD) in the new constitution.
One important message of UN Envoy was that the junta should allow the NLD to have offices open throughout the country as the party currently has an office only in Rangoon. All these thoughtful actions will improve the credibility of the democratization process in Burma through events such as the referendum and general elections planned for 2010, Gambari said.
At the same time, people of Burma are discussing whether they should boycott the referendum or casting a No-Vote to say good-bye toward military dictatorship. Even in the armed-forces and the junta-backed USDA circles, members seems to be confused and perplexing of what they ought to do in the referendum which might determined their destiny in near future.
Currently, people’s voice of No-Vote to the military dominated-constitution is becoming louder and louder day after day in the military ruled country.
Zin Linn is a freelance Burmese journalist in exile. He spent nine years in a Burmese prison as a prisoner of conscience. He now serves as information director of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, and is vice-president of the Burma Media Association.
- Asian Tribune - |
posted by moderator
Copyright, respective author or news agency
 06:20   |
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"who put family second to country, who for her convictions made an unbearable choice — not to see her sons grow and not to be with her husband as he lost his life to a long and painful cancer. Suu Kyi, with an idea too big for any jail and a spirit too strong for any army, changes our view — as only real heroes can — of what we believe to be possible.",BONO
