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| At least 104 political prisoners released |
| Saturday, 19 September 2009 |
(Mae Sot – Thailand)
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) (AAPP) can confirm that so far 104 political prisoners have been released from 22 different prisons in Burma.
The 104 released include 37 members of the National League for Democracy, including 3 MPs; 18 women; 11 former political prisoners; 4 monks; 4 journalists; 9 members of the Human Rights Defenders and Promoters Network; 6 members of the 88 Generation Students; and 1 lawyer.
On the evening of September 17, 2009 in Rangoon, state-run MRTV carried a news bulletin announcing that 7,114 prisoners were to be released “on humanitarian grounds.”
The list of political prisoners released will be continually updated at our web site www.aappb.org as AAPP receives more information. In alphabetical order:
Angaelay (Mandalay prison) - student
Aung Gyi (Insein prison) - student
Aung Gyi @ Aung Thwin (Shwebo prison) – journalist, former political prisoner, 88 Generation Students
Aung Ko Oo (Tharawaddy prison) - student
Aung Lwin (Thandwe prison)
Aung Myint (Myaungmya prison) - NLD member; Human Rights Defenders and Promoters member
Aung Myo (Shwebo prison) – NLD Township Organiser
Aung Naing (Insein prison) – NLD member
Aung Swe (Shwebo prison) - NLD member
Aung Tun (Tharawaddy prison) – student; member of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions
Aye Min (a) Aye Min Min (Tharawaddy prison) – private tutor
Ba Chit (Tharawaddy prison) – Ex-captain in the army
Ba Min (Kale prison) – NLD member
Bo Bo (Myingyan prison)
Bo Gyi (Pegu prison)
Cho Mar Htwe, (Female) (Moulmein prison) – NLD member
Eimt Khaing Oo, Female (Insein prison) – journalist; Cyclone Nargis volunteer
Hlaing Aye (Kale prison) - NLD MP, Former Political Prisoner
Hla Shein, (Hinzada prison) , Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
Htay Win (Thayet prison) – NLD Township Organizer
Khaing Kaung Zan, (Thayet prison) – Arakan League for Democracy in exile member
Khin Khin Lay (a) Khin Lay, (Female) (Pegu prison) – NLD member
Khin Maung Chit (Meiktila prison) - NLD Local Secretary
Khin Maung Thein (Shwebo prison) – NLD member
Khin Moe Aye (a) Moe Moe (Female), (Myingyan prison) – 88 Generation Students member; former political prisoner
Kyaw Kyaw Thant (Insein prison) – journalist; Cyclone Nargis volunteer
Kyaw Lwin, (Hinzada prison) , Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
Kyaw Maung (Myitkyina prison) – NLD MP
Kyaw Thu Htike (Taunggyi prison)
Kyaw Win (Tharawaddy prison) – All Burma Students Democratic Front
Kyi Kyi Min, (Female) (Insein prison) – NLD member
Kyi Lin (Myintkyina prison) – NLD member
Ma Ei (female) (Paungde prison)
Ma Htay (a) San San Myint, (Female) (Insein prison)
Ma Mi Mi Swe (female) (Henzada prison)
Maung Maung Htwe (Shwebo prison)
Maw Si (Shwebo prison) – NLD Youth member
Mi Mi Sein, (Female) (Insein prison) – NLD Township Joint-Secretary
Michael Win Kyaw (Kale prison) – 88 Generation Students member; former political prisoner
Min Min (a) La Min Tun, (Hinzada prison) , Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
Min Min Soe (Myingyan prison) – 88 Generation Students member
Moe Hlaing (Moulmein prison)
Moe Kyaw Thu (a) Bo Bo (Mandalay prison)
Moe Lwin (Moulmein prison) – individual activist
Monywar Aung Shin (a) U Aye Kyu (Insein prison) - Member of NLD and poet
Mya Sein, (Hinzada prison) , Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
Myint Oo (a) Ni Ni (Mandalay prison) – NLD Township organizer; former political prisoner
Myint Oo (Thayet prison) – NLD Township Joint Secretary
Myo Min Lwin (Moulmein prison)
Myo Yan Naung Thein (Thandwe prison) – 88 Generation Students member, former political prisoner
Nay Win (Myintkyina prison) – NLD Township Organizer
Nine Nine (Insein prison) – NLD MP, Former Political Prisoner
Nu Nu Swe @ Pauk Pauk (female) (Myaungmya prison)
Nyi Nyi Min (Buthidaung prison) – NLD member
Nyo Mya (Kale prison) – NLD member
Pe Tin (Pegu prison) – NLD member
Pyae Phyo Aung (a) Hnan Mue (Pa-An prison)
San Pwint (Kale prison) – NLD member; teacher
San Ya (Tharawaddy prison) – NLD member
Sandar Min (a) Shwee, (Myaungmya prison) – 88 Generation Students, Former Political Prisoner
Sandar, (Female) (Myingyan prison) – NLD member
Saw Myo Min Hlaing @ James (Thaton prison) - Private Tutor
Saw Taw Kyi (Thayet prison) – Karen National Union member
Shin Sandaw Batha, Monk (Insein prison) – All Burma Monks’ Alliance
Shwe Thar (a) Tin Win (Tharawaddy prison) – Karen National Union member
Soe Han (Lashio prison) – lawyer; Chair of the National League for Democracy’s (NLD) legal advisory body
Soe Wai (a) Than Zaw (Myitkyina prison)
Than Min (a) Tin Tun Aung, (Taungoo prison) – NLD member
Than Than Htay, (Female) (Insein prison) – student
Than Than Sint, (Female) (Insein prison)
Than Tun (Shwebo prison)
Than Zaw Oo (Tharawaddy prison) – NLD member
Thar Cho, (Thayet prison) – NLD Township Organizer
Thein Zaw (Tharawaddy prison)
Thet Oo (Taungoo prison) – Human Rights Defenders and Promoters member
Thet Zin (a) Maung Zin (Kale prison) – journalist; former political prisoner; member of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions and the Democratic Party for a New Society
Thin Min Soe, (Female) (Insein prison) – labour activist
Thura Win @ Thura Lin (Buthidaung) – Student
Tin Mar Swe (female) (Mandalay prison)
Tin Maung Nyunt (Shwebo prison) – NLD Township Organiser
Tin Mya (Insein prison) - National League for Democracy Township chairperson, Former Political Prisoner
Tin Myint (Insein prison) – NLD member
Tin Myint (Tharawaddy prison)
Tin Myo Htut (a) Kyaw Oo (Insein prison) – Generation Wave; former political prisoner
Tin Tin Myint, (Female) (Insein prison) – third year chemistry student
Tin Tun (a) Kyaw Swa (Tharawaddy prison) – UN Development Program staff (New Era journal distributor)
Tun Hla (Tharawaddy prison)
Tun Oo (a) Ngar Kalar (Taungoo prison)
Tun Tun Nyein, (Thayet prison) – NLD Youth member
Tun Tun Oo (a) Nanda Malar (Taungoo prison) – monk
Tun Tun Oo (Thandwe prison)
U Han Sein (Tharawaddy prison) – NLD member
U Myint, (Hinzada prison) , Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
U Pannita (a) Myint Aye (Taungoo prison) – monk; Human Rights Defenders and Promoters member
U Peter (Loikaw prison)
U Win, (Hinzada prison) , Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
U Zawana (a) Soe Myint (Taungoo prison) - monk
Win Myint (Insein prison)
Wunna Soe (Pa-An prison) – Democratic Party for a New Society member
Yan Aung Shwe (Thayet prison) – All Burma Students Democratic Front member
Yan Naing Min (a) Nan Wai (Mandalay prison) – student
Zaw Htet Aung (Kale prison) - student
Zaw Tun (Taungoo prison)
Zin Mar Aung (female) (Mandalay prison) – student; NLD member
BNN/AAPP |
posted by moderator
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 19:37   |
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| At least 87 political prisoners released |
|
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) (AAPP) can confirm that so far 87 political prisoners have been released from 16 different prisons in Burma.
The 87 released include 36 members of the National League for Democracy, including 3 MPs; 15 women; 11 former political prisoners; 4 monks; 4 journalists; 6 members of the 88 Generation Students; and 1 lawyer.
On the evening of September 17, 2009 in Rangoon, state-run MRTV carried a news bulletin announcing that 7,114 prisoners were to be released “on humanitarian grounds.”
The list of political prisoners released will be continually updated at our web site www.aappb.org as AAPP receives more information.
1. Eimt Khaing Oo, Female (Insein prison) – journalist; Cyclone Nargis volunteer
2. Tin Mya (Insein prison) - National League for Democracy Township chairperson, Former Political Prisoner
3. Nyi Nyi Min (Buthidaung prison) – NLD member
4. Kyaw Kyaw Thant (Insein prison) – journalist; Cyclone Nargis volunteer
5. Monywar Aung Shin (a) U Aye Kyu (Insein prison) - Member of NLD and poet
6. Nine Nine (Insein prison) – NLD MP, Former Political Prisoner
7. Tin Tin Myint, (Female) (Insein prison) – third year chemistry student
8. Than Than Htay, (Female) (Insein prison) – student
9. Than Than Sint, (Female) (Insein prison)
10. Thin Min Soe, (Female) (Insein prison) – labour activist
11. Kyi Kyi Min, (Female) (Insein prison) – NLD member
12. Zaw Htet Aung (Kale prison) - student
13. Tin Myo Htut (a) Kyaw Oo (Insein prison) – Generation Wave; former political prisoner
14. Win Myint (Insein prison) – NLD member
15. Kyaw Maung (Myitkyina prison) – NLD MP
16. Nay Win (Myintkyina prison) – NLD Township Organizer
17. Kyi Lin (Myintkyina prison) – NLD member
18. Soe Wai (a) Than Zaw (Myitkyina prison)
19. Shin Sandaw Batha, Monk (Insein prison) – All Burma Monks’ Alliance
20. Aung Gyi (Insein prison) - student
21. Mi Mi Sein, (Female) (Insein prison) – NLD Township Joint-Secretary
22. Soe Han (Lashio prison) – lawyer; Chair of the National League for Democracy’s (NLD) legal advisory body
23. Bo Gyi (Pegu prison)
24. Khin Khin Lay (a) Khin Lay, (Female) (Pegu prison) – NLD member
25. Pe Tin (Pegu prison) – NLD member
26. Tin Myint (Insein prison) – NLD member
27. Cho Mar Htwe, (Female) (Moulmein prison) – NLD member
28. Moe Hlaing (Moulmein prison)
29. Moe Lwin (Moulmein prison) – individual activist
30. Myo Min Lwin (Moulmein prison)
31. Ma Htay (a) San San Myint, (Female) (Insein prison)
32. Thet Oo (Taungoo prison) – Human Rights Defenders and Promoters member
33. U Pannita (a) Myint Aye (Taungoo prison) – monk; Human Rights Defenders and Promoters member
34. Zaw Tun (Taungoo prison)
35. Bo Bo (Myingyan prison)
36. Sandar, (Female) (Myingyan prison) – NLD member
37. Pyae Phyo Aung (a) Hnan Mue (Pa-An prison)
38. Wunna Soe (Pa-An prison) – Democratic Party for a New Society member
39. Ba Chit (Tharawaddy prison) – Ex-captain in the army
40. Aye Min (a) Aye Min Min (Tharawaddy prison) – private tutor
41. Tin Tun (a) Kyaw Swa (Tharawaddy prison) – UN Development Program staff (New Era journal distributor)
42. Shwe Thar (a) Tin Win (Tharawaddy prison) – Karen National Union member
43. Hlaing Aye (Kale prison) - NLD MP, Former Political Prisoner
44. San Pwint (Kale prison) – NLD member; teacher
45. Thet Zin (a) Maung Zin (Kale prison) – journalist; former political prisoner; member of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions and the Democratic Party for a New Society
46. Michael Win Kyaw (Kale prison) – 88 Generation Students member; former political prisoner
47. Nyo Mya (Kale prison) – NLD member
48. Ba Min (Kale prison) – NLD member
49. Aung Gyi @ Aung Thwin (Shwebo prison) – journalist, former political prisoner, 88 Generation Students
50. Aung Myo (Shwebo prison) – NLD Township Organiser
51. Than Tun (Shwebo prison)
52. Maung Maung Htwe (Shwebo prison)
53. Tin Maung Nyunt (Shwebo prison) – NLD Township Organiser
54. Tun Tun Oo (a) Nanda Malar (Taungoo prison) – monk
55. Aung Swe (Shwebo prison) - NLD member
56. Khin Maung Thein (Shwebo prison) – NLD member
57. Maw Si (Shwebo prison) – NLD Youth member
58. U Zawana (a) Soe Myint (Taungoo prison) - monk
59. Than Min (a) Tin Tun Aung, (Taungoo prison) – NLD member
60. Tun Oo (a) Ngar Kalar (Taungoo prison)
61. Aung Naing (Insein prison) – NLD member
62. Khin Moe Aye (a) Moe Moe (Female), (Myingyan prison) – 88 Generation Students member; former political prisoner
63. Khaing Kaung Zan, (Thayet prison) – Arakan League for Democracy in exile member
64. Htay Win (a) Bo Luu, (Thayet prison) – NLD Youth member
65. Thar Cho, (Thayet prison) – NLD Township Organizer
66. Tun Tun Nyein, (Thayet prison) – NLD Youth member
67. Saw Taw Kyi (Thayet prison) – Karen National Union member
68. Zin Mar Aung (female) (Mandalay prison) – student; NLD member
69. Moe Kyaw Thu (a) Bo Bo (Mandalay prison)
70. Myint Oo (a) Ni Ni (Mandalay prison) – NLD Township organizer; former political prisoner
71. Tin Mar Swe (female) (Mandalay prison)
72. Yan Naing Min (a) Nan Wai (Mandalay prison) – student; member of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, Foreign Affairs Committee
73. Angaelay (Mandalay prison) - student
74. Yan Aung Shwe (Thayet prison) – All Burma Students Democratic Front member
75. Myint Oo (Thayet prison) – NLD Township Joint Secretary
76. Sandar Min (a) Shwee, (Myaungmya prison) – 88 Generation Students, Former Political Prisoner
77. San Ya (Tharawaddy prison) – NLD member
78. Thein Zaw (Tharawaddy prison)
79. Than Zaw Oo (Tharawaddy prison) – NLD member
80. U Han Sein (Tharawaddy prison) – NLD member
81. Aung Tun (Tharawaddy prison) – student; member of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions
82. Tun Hla (Tharawaddy prison)
83. Kyaw Win (Tharawaddy prison) – All Burma Students Democratic Front
84. Aung Ko Oo (Tharawaddy prison) - student
85. Tin Myint (Tharawaddy prison)
86. Myo Yan Naung Thein (Thandwe prison) – 88 Generation Students member, former political prisoner
87. Min Min Soe (Myingyan prison) – 88 Generation Students member
BNN/AAPP |
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posted by moderator
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19:36 |
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| At least 76 political prisoners released |
|
(Mae Sot – Thailand)
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)
(AAPP) can confirm that so far 76 political prisoners have been released from
15 different prisons in Burma.
The 76 released include 33 members of the National League
for Democracy, including 3 MPs; 15 women; 10 former political prisoners; 4
monks; 4 journalists; 4 members of the 88 Generation Students; and 1 lawyer.
On the evening of September 17, 2009 in Rangoon,
state-run MRTV carried a news bulletin announcing that 7,114 prisoners were to be
released “on humanitarian grounds.”
The list of political prisoners released will be continually
updated at our web site www.aappb.org as AAPP receives more information.
1. Eimt Khaing Oo, Female (Insein prison) – journalist;
Cyclone Nargis volunteer
2. Tin Mya (Insein prison) - National League for Democracy Township chairperson, Former Political
Prisoner
3. Nyi Nyi Min (Buthidaung prison) – NLD member
4. Kyaw Kyaw Thant (Insein prison) – journalist; Cyclone
Nargis volunteer
5. Monywar Aung Shin (a) U Aye Kyu (Insein prison) -
Member of NLD and poet
6. Nine Nine (Insein prison) – NLD MP, Former Political
Prisoner
7. Tin Tin Myint, (Female) (Insein prison) – third year
chemistry student
8. Than Than Htay, (Female) (Insein prison) – student
9. Than Than Sint, (Female) (Insein prison)
10. Thin Min Soe, (Female) (Insein prison) – labour activist
11. Kyi Kyi Min, (Female) (Insein prison) – NLD member
12. Zaw Htet Aung (Kale prison) - student
13. Tin Myo Htut (a) Kyaw Oo (Insein prison) – Generation
Wave; former political prisoner
14. Win Myint (Insein prison) – NLD member
15. Kyaw Maung (Myitkyina prison) – NLD MP
16. Nay Win (Myintkyina prison) – NLD Township Organizer
17. Kyi Lin (Myintkyina prison) – NLD member
18. Soe Wai (a) Than Zaw (Myitkyina prison)
19. Shin Sandaw Batha, Monk (Insein prison) – All Burma
Monks’ Alliance
20. Aung Gyi (Insein prison) - student
21. Mi Mi Sein, (Female) (Insein prison) – NLD Township Joint-Secretary
22. Soe Han (Lashio prison) – lawyer; Chair of the National League for Democracy’s (NLD) legal
advisory body
23. Bo Gyi (Pegu prison)
24. Khin Khin Lay (a) Khin Lay, (Female) (Pegu prison) – NLD member
25. Pe Tin (Pegu prison) – NLD member
26. Tin Myint (Insein prison) – NLD member
27. Cho Mar Htwe, (Female) (Moulmein prison) – NLD member
28. Moe Hlaing (Moulmein prison)
29. Moe Lwin (Moulmein prison) – individual activist
30. Myo Min Lwin (Moulmein prison)
31. Ma Htay (a) San San Myint, (Female) (Insein prison)
32. Thet Oo (Taungoo prison) – Human Rights Defenders and
Promoters member
33. U Pannita (a) Myint Aye (Taungoo prison) – monk; Human
Rights Defenders and Promoters member
34. Zaw Tun (Taungoo prison)
35. Bo Bo (Myingyan prison)
36. Sandar, (Female) (Myingyan prison) – NLD member
37. Pyae Phyo Aung (a) Hnan Mue (Pa-An prison)
38. Wunna Soe (Pa-An prison) – Democratic Party for a New
Society member
39. Ba Chit (Tharawaddy prison) – Ex-captain in the army
40. Aye Min (a) Aye Min Min (Tharawaddy prison) – private
tutor
41. Tin Tun (a) Kyaw Swa (Tharawaddy prison) – UN
Development Program staff (New Era journal distributor)
42. Shwe Thar (a) Tin Win (Tharawaddy prison) – Karen
National Union member
43. Hlaing Aye (Kale prison) - NLD MP, Former Political
Prisoner
44. San Pwint (Kale prison) – NLD member; teacher
45. Thet Zin (a) Maung Zin (Kale prison) – journalist;
former political prisoner; member of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions
and the Democratic Party for a New Society
46. Michael Win Kyaw (Kale prison) – 88 Generation Students
member; former political prisoner
47. Nyo Mya (Kale prison) – NLD member
48. Ba Min (Kale prison) – NLD member
49. Aung Gyi @ Aung Thwin (Shwebo prison) – journalist,
former political prisoner, 88 Generation Students
50. Aung Myo (Shwebo prison) – NLD Township Organiser
51. Than Tun (Shwebo prison)
52. Maung Maung Htwe (Shwebo prison)
53. Tin Maung Nyunt (Shwebo prison) – NLD Township
Organiser
54. Tun Tun Oo (a) Nanda Malar (Taungoo prison) – monk
55. Aung Swe (Shwebo prison) - NLD member
56. Khin Maung Thein (Shwebo prison) – NLD member
57. Maw Si (Shwebo prison) – NLD Youth member
58. U Zawana (a) Soe Myint (Taungoo prison) - monk
59. Than Min (a) Tin Tun Aung, (Taungoo prison) – NLD member
60. Tun Oo (a) Ngar Kalar (Taungoo prison)
61. Aung Naing (Insein prison) – NLD member
62. Khin Moe Aye (a) Moe Moe (Female), (Myingyan prison) –
88 Generation Students member; former political prisoner
63. Khaing Kaung Zan, (Thayet prison) – Arakan League for
Democracy in exile member
64. Htay Win (a) Bo Luu, (Thayet prison) – NLD Youth member
65. Thar Cho, (Thayet prison) – NLD Township Organizer
66. Tun Tun Nyein, (Thayet prison) – NLD Youth member
67. Saw Taw Kyi (Thayet prison) – Karen National Union
member
68. Zin Mar Aung (female) (Mandalay prison) – student; NLD member
69. Moe Kyaw Thu (a) Bo Bo (Mandalay prison)
70. Myint Oo (a) Ni Ni (Mandalay prison) – NLD Township organizer; former political
prisoner
71. Tin Mar Swe (female) (Mandalay prison)
72. Yan Naing Min (a) Nan Wai (Mandalay prison) – student; member of the All
Burma Federation of Student Unions, Foreign Affairs Committee
73. Angaelay (Mandalay prison) - student
74. Yan Aung Shwe (Thayet prison) – All Burma Students
Democratic Front member
75. Myint Oo (Thayet prison) – NLD Township Joint Secretary
76. Sandar Min (a) Shwee, (Myaungmya) – 88 Generation
Students, Former Political Prisoner
BNN/AAPP |
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posted by moderator
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19:36 |
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| Funds Collected for People's Militia |
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Rathidaung: The Burmese army has been collecting funds from locals for the recently formed people's militias in villages throughout Rathidaung Township, 20 miles north of Sittwe, said a village who was selected to join the militia.
"The army authority has collected 3,000 kyats from individual members of the people's militia. At the same time, the authority has collected 3,000 or 4,000 kyats from each household in the whole township for formation of the people's militias," he said.
The funds are for purchasing equipment for the militias, including uniforms, hats, and badges, as well as for paying for the travel of army officials who came to the villages to form the militia.
"In our village, Ku Daung, the army authority formed the people's militia with 30 villagers and all members were forced by the authority to pay 3,000 kyats each for the militia fund," he added.
All households from several villages - Ku Daung, Oo Ga, Shwe Long Din, Kan Byin, Zee Gin, and Nyung Bin Lay - in southern Rathidaung Township had to pay 3,000 kyat for each poor family and 4,000 kyats for each rich family for the militia fund.
The Burmese military authority has been forming many government-backed organizations like the people's militia and village-level fire brigades in Arakan, in order to support the 2010 election.
"Arakanese people believe the formation of the militia in Arakan State is to support the 2010 election. People will be obligated by their membership in the militia to support the pro-government party in the 2010 election," he said.
Most people in the township do not wish to join the militia as it would disrupt their livelihoods. However, they are unable to refuse to join after army officials pressure them.
The authority is not only forming the militias in the villages of Rathidaung but also in other townships in Arakan, forming militias with 30 people from each village. However, there are no apparent plans to arm these militias.
A teacher from Rathidaung said, "It was formed only for the 2010 election in order to ensure victory for the military-backed political party. The army authority will use the people's militia as a tool in the election. After the election, the organization will disappear from public sight."
The military authority in Arakan State is now preparing for the 2010 election by forming many government-backed organizations. On 8 September, the Arakan State Veteran Organization was re-formed in a conference that was held in Ann Town, where the organizations selected some prominent veteran members to contest the 2010 election.
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04:21 |
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| Youth Forcibly Conscripted in Arakan |
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Sittwe: The Burmese army stationed in Arakan State has been forcibly recruiting youth from villages to serve in the army, said a retired teacher.
"The system for forced recruitment of soldiers has been missing for a long time, but now it has appeared again. The army authority ordered village councils to recruit five youth from each village to serve in the army," he said.
The Burmese army has conscripted youth from Arakanese villages in the past by pressuring village councils, but the system had not been used for nearly a decade after people protested.
"The army authority has failed to recruit voluntary soldiers in Arakan because many Arakanese youth have refused to join the army. The army authority has resumed the old tactic for drafting soldiers in Arakan," he said.
Many local army battalions stationed in Buthidaung, Rathidaung, Sittwe, Pauktaw, Kyauktaw, Paletwa, Mrauk U, Min Bya, and Kyauk Pru in Arakan State have ordered their respective villages to recruit five youth to send to army headquarters.
In the past, many villages in Arakan had to spend a lot of money in order to recruit youth to serve in the army. Every village had to send two youths to army headquarters as the army authority collected soldiers from the villages on a quota system.
"We had to send two youths to army headquarters each year in the past. We looked for youths who were jobless, and who wanted to join the army after we paid him. We had to pay at least 200,000 kyat to a youth to get their agreement to join the army. People suffered from the system. So people opposed it and later the system disappeared," he said.
According to a local source, some USDA members and village councils in rural areas of Arakan are now organizing youth to join with the Burmese army by enticing them with money and food rations.
In Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State, army authorities have also been arresting young men and rickshaw pullers during the night and forcing them to enlist in the army.
A monk from Sittwe said, "Many youths and rickshaw pullers have avoided going outside their homes after 10 pm due to fear of arrest by the Burmese army authorities. Many poor youths in Sittwe have been sent to the army recruitment unit located at LIB 20 based in the city after being arrested by army authorities."
Some parents in Sittwe are suffering from losing their children after they walked on the streets of Sittwe at night. The family members know the army authority arrested them to serve in the army, but they have not had the chance to bring their children home from the army recruitment unit.
Another source said many tribal youths, including Khami, Mro, and Rakhine in Paletwa Township have also been conscripted into the Burmese army.
The rates of disasters and loss of soldiers has been increasing alarmingly in the Burmese army, causing the army to conscript young men from anywhere they can in Arakan.
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04:19 |
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| New Mon splinter group draws first blood |
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IMNA
Assailants from a newly formed Mon splinter group shot and wounded 2 members of a larger Mon splinter group. This is the first such assault by members of the new Mon splitter group.
2 members of the Mon Peace and Defense Front (MPDF), Nai Pang and Nai Sein, were shot at about 9:00 am on Saturday September 12th, in front of the headquarters of Infantry Battalion (IB) No. 62 based in Thanbyuzayart town, Mon State. The attack was carried out by 2 members of the newly formed splinter group, the Mon Defense Front (MDF), according to NMSP members who spoke with the two injured MPDF soldiers at the Moulmein hospital.
An NMSP party member explained, “Before he [MPDF member] was shot, he saw the men who shot him, and he knew them from the MDF group.”
The MPDF is lead by the former NMSP General Nai Aung Naing, who formed the group after he left the NMSP with his soldiers in 2008. In the same year he agreed to a ceasefire with the Burmese military government, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). In April 2009 he joined a monastery, though his group has remained active helping him campaign for a position in the 2010 election.
According to a member of the NMSP Moulmein district committee, “The MDF group was formed by 3 soldiers that deserted from NMSP, and are now active between Kyainnseikyi Township, Karen State and Kyaikmaraw Township, Mon State.”
The 2 members of the MDF identified as the shooters were Nai Than Lwin and Nai Thu Ra Win Myit, who conducted the assault using weapons typically carried by members of the NMSP. The newly formed MDF was recently active in August delivering letters to farmers demanding money to support their group, from farmers in Moudon township. Neither of the attackers were injured or arrested.
The NMSP Moulmein district office has been checking Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) battalions, for desertions, to confirm the identity of the two MDF members, to identify the 3rd, and determine how they obtained their weapons. “Now there is conflict between Mon groups, which may be part of the SPDC plan,” a member of the NMSP speculated.
Last April NMSP member Nai Min Naung, who was a member of the Moulmein district committee was shot and killed by members of the Mon splinter group, Nai Aung chan. Nai Aung Chan split to form his own rival faction, from the former NMSP general Nai Aung Naing’s MPDF.
Similarly, in May 2008 there was an assassination attempt on NMSP central committee member Nai Rajal. He was shot by unknown gunman in Thanbuyzayat township, though party member suspected the attack was carried out by members of the Nai Aung Chan group. Nai rajal was wounded but has since recovered. |
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04:12 |
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| 19-Year-Old Woman Raped and Murdered in Karen State |
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IMNA
A 19-year old woman of mixed Mon and Karen heritage, named Mi Mu, was raped and murdered by a gang of Karen men last week in Kyainnseikyi Township in Karen state.
On September 11th, at about 10 pm, Mi Mu was abducted from where she worked on a rubber plantation near Doe Htun village, by a group of 20 men. The group had an accomplice inform Mi Mu’s brother that a ransom of 7 million kyat was needed to ensure her safe return.
Unfortunately, Mi Mu’s body was discovered at 7 pm on September 12th, before her family could collect the appropriate sum of money for her release. A search party located her body near the Pyuk Ja village rubber plantation where she had been employed. Villagers confirmed that Mi Mu had been raped before her murder.
“When we saw Mi Mu’s body, she was naked, and it looked like she was raped ’’said an eyewitness Pyouk Ja villager.
Since the discovery of Mi Mu’s body, the New Mon State Party ( NMSP ) has arrested 5 suspects, and a search is underway for the remaining 15. Kanyinnseikkyi Township is under the Moulmein division of NMSP control.
Mi Mu’s rape and murder is the second such case to be connected to the Pyuk Ja village rubber plantation. A 21-year-old Mon woman was also abducted, raped and murdered by a group of Karen men in the same area earlier this year. |
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04:11 |
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| Karen soldiers ambush Burmese army in Three Pagoda Pass area |
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IMNA
In two separate incidents, violence has continued to occur in Three Pagoda Pass (TPP) Township, according to local sources. In both incidents, attacks have targeted Burmese troops or facilities.
On Sunday the 13th, Burmese army troops from Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) No. 356 were ambushed by KNU troops from Brigade No. 6 near Chanungzone village, TPP Township according to local source.
According to an officer of the New Mon State Party (NMSP) based in the area, LIB No. 356 troops were on their way to join up with LIB No. 283 in the recently captured Maketa village. However before they arrived, LIB No. 356 was ambushed by KNU soldiers. Chanungzone village is about 15 Kilometer from TPP town.
“We heard from Burmese authorities 4 Burmese soldiers were injured in the ambush,” the NMSP officer said to IMNA. “One was shot in the stomach, two were hit in the leg and I am not sure about the 4th soldier.”
According to a source close to Burmese authorities form Three Pagoda Pass town, the KNU ambush led to a brief firefight lasting 10 minutes. No KNU soldiers were killed or injured.
However the number of injured and killed is disputed, with a KNU Captain stating that 4 Burmese soldiers were killed and 6 were injured in the brief skirmish.
On the night of the 14th, a bomb also detonated outside of the Burmese military government Land Grant Office in Three Pagodas Pass town. According to sources, there were no injuries from the nighttime attack.
It remains unclear which group is responsible for the blast, though according to source close to Burmese government forces, authorities believe that the bomb attack was carried out by the KNU. However a KNU Captain has denied to IMNA the KNU’s involvement, stating that the KNU never carries out attacks like this that threaten civilian lives.
On June 21st, 2009 after months of fighting, KNU Brigade No. 7 base fell to a combined assault by Burmese army forces, and the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA). Since the DKBA and Burmese army forces have been building up their troop levels around the heavily contested KNU held Brigade No. 6 area.
A July report by the Human rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) details the potential for a humanitarian crisis occurring from an assault by DKBA and Burmese army forces against KNU troops in the Brigade No. 6 area.
Brigade No. 6 has been at the heart of the KNU held territory since resistance began in 1948 when the KNU began fighting the Burmese government. |
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| Opposition coalition ‘unable to materialise’ |
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(DVB)–A coalition of political parties that won votes in the 1990 elections in Burma has struggled to provide a viable opposition threat due to government oppression, said a senior group member.
The Committee Representing the People’s Parliament (CRPP), which includes the National League for Democracy (NLD), yesterday marked its 11-year anniversary.
According to CRPP secretary Aye Thar Aung, pressure and harassment from Burma’s ruling junta has crippled the group’s ability to convene a people’s parliament, the reason behind its birth.
“We tried our best to convene the parliament but on the other hand, there were tremendous pressures [from the government], such as harassment, oppression and imprisonment of our members,” said Aye Thar Aung.
“Due to these pressures, we now have to say we were unable to materialise our idea to convene the parliament and implement the results of the 1990 elections.”
Aye Thar Aung said however that the group will continue with their commitment to bring success to their aim.
“There is only a small chance for us now but we [as representatives] of the political parties that won seats in the 1990 elections are to continue with our determination.”
The CRPP was formed in 1998 with people’s parliament representative members from various political organisations such as the NLD and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD).
Among the group’s leading members, chairman Aung Shwe, Lun Tin and U Lwin are in poor health while Aung San Suu Kyi, Tin Oo, Khun Htun Oo and Kyaw Min are under government detention.
The NLD’s landslide victory in the 1990 elections was dismissed by the military junta. The party’s leader, Suu Kyi, was put under house arrest shortly after.
Reporting by Khin Hnin Htet |
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04:10 |
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| Photographs for family registration taken in Shan State |
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Ruili (Mizzima) – Authorities on the Sino-Burma border towns of Muse and Nam Hkam in northern Shan State, have started taking photographs of families for registration.
A joint team of Immigration and Police officials as of September 10, has visited villages of Naung Hkam, Man Kat, Kaung Wein, Kaung Sa, Sei Hai, Man Kham and Man Naung in Nam Kham Township and taken photographs of families.
The officials took a total of three photographs of each family - one to be pasted in front of the house, while the other two copies are to be kept in the office of the Village tract Peace and Development Council and at the police station, local villagers said.
"The officials told all family members to be included in the registration to stand in front of their house in a group and took three photographs. Each family has to pay Kyat 2,000 [US$ 2] for the photographs. For those who are out of station, the recommendation letter given by the local authority was taken along with photographs of other family members," a local villager from Nam Hkam said.
The police said that this was being done for security reasons as there is heightened military tension in the region.
“They ordered us to inform them about the movement of strangers if any when they photographed us. They will check the family members with the photographs when military skirmishes and clashes take place,” another local resident said.
Three bombs exploded in Muse on August 28 while gun battles between the Kokang Army and the Burmese Army was on. Moreover an armed group crossed some villages in Nam Kham Township at the end of last month. Following these incidents, the authorities carried out these security measures.
The household registration was carried out recently in Tone Khan, Nam Khone, Wein Mai, Nam Pan and other villages in Muse Township also.
The authorities instructed the villagers living in Nam Kham Township last year to paste their household registrations in front of their houses for checks. But photo registration like this one is the first ever in these villages. |
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04:07 |
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| Food insecurity aggravates in Chin state |
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New Delhi (Mizzima) – Unabated rat infestation continues to create acute food shortage for people in Chin state and northwest part of Burma, a new report said.
The Canada-based Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO), in its new report ‘On the edge of Survival’ released on Thursday said, the ongoing rat infestation, which began in 2007 had aggravated food insecurity in seven townships in Chin state as well as some areas of Sagaing division in north-western Burma.
“Rats continue to destroy the crops in fields. In some areas, the people face shortage of food, while others survive with little rice and other crops in hand. But it will be just enough for a short period,” Terah Thantluang, Field Coordinator of CHRO told Mizzima on Thursday.
“Some villagers survive merely on wild yams dug up from the forests,” he added.
According to the previous report of the United Nation Development Program (UNDP), a total of 34,764 farmers in three townships in Chin state faced shortage of food while CHRO’s report last year claimed around 100,000 people were in ‘hunger condition’ from food insecurity related to bamboo flowering causing rat infestation.
Now, CHRO says the rat infestation has spread to Hakha, Falam, Matupi, Paletwa, Thantlang, Tiddim, and Tongzang in Chin state and some parts of Sagaing Division where the pests had already damaged about 82 percent of farmlands.
Adding the condition is worsening, the CHRO report said not only rats but also crop-eating insects, such as locusts or grasshoppers, destroyed rat-left crops in the fields.
“The insects reportedly not only eat the fruit and grain, but all the leaves and stalks, turning entire fields and farms into barren wastelands in a short time,” the report said.
Meanwhile, Win Hlaing Oo, director of Rangoon based Country Agency for Rural Development in Myanmar (CAD) said, the late monsoon and low rainfall this year in Chin state resulted in some farmers abandoning crop cultivation in some areas of Thangtlang and Matupi and Hakha Township.
“In my village [Hnaring village in Thangtlang], there are about 300 acres of farmlands but only 50 acres are cultivated because of low rainfall and late monsoons,” he told Mizzima.
Win Hlaing Oo also said food insecurity in the future is imminent as the people are just surviving on recently harvested few crops such as maize and millet which were left by rats.
“However, they are not in the condition where they are getting nothing to eat but are surviving on rat-leftover crops. It won’t be sustainable in the long run,” he explained.
Limited international aid
World Food Program (WFP) led International Non-governmental Organizations (INGOs) and National NGOs started implementing emergency food assistance for the first three month in the hardest hit townships in Chin state in early 2009.
Eighty five percent (85%) of households in Chin state were in debt and needed to repay the loan which they took for purchasing food, according to WFP’s recent report.
CHRO said the aid from WFP led aid groups is limited and could not cover the entire affected areas.
Each person just received about 7 to 10 kilograms of rice over a three-month period, while the people in some areas such as Thantlang, Hakha, Tonzang and Tedim Townships, were helped under the food-for-work/cash programmes, the CHRO report said.
Moreover, Win Hlaing Oo from CAD said the first four-month assistance programme was halted last month as no more relief aid remained.
“The food and cash distributing programmes were suspended for the time being as there is no more assistance remaining,” said Win Hlaing Oo from CAD.
But Win Hlaing Oo said, the aid work will possibly be resumed next month after the next batch of rice of an estimated 300 metric tons from WFP arrives in Chin state for another four-month assistance programme in his organization projected areas in Thangtlang, Matupi and Hakha.
Ban on cross-border aid
Recently, the commander of Military Tactical Command (1) of Chin state Brig-Gen Hung Ngai, who is also the chairman of the State Peace and Development Council, warned the people not to accept relief aid from overseas except from WFP, said a relief worker from the community based Relief group known as Chin Mautam Relief Committee (CMRC).
“He told the people not to receive any foreign aid or they will face reprisal,” a relief worker told Mizzima on condition of anonymity.
Terah from CHRO said, the exile based Chin community, had been providing relief to the villagers through the India-Burma border. The aid was for people facing shortage of food in the areas which WFP led aids groups could not reach.
However, he said, “The aid is very little. Not enough to solve the problem.”
The Burmese junta, instead of helping is committing human right abuses including forced labour against the people in rat plagued areas, CHRO said.
“Constant demand for labourers has forced people to leave their farms and fields in order to work on SPDC projects without compensation,” the report added. |
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| Junta releases prisoners amidst condemnation by HRW |
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New Delhi (Mizzima) - Burma’s military junta announced amnesty for over 7,000 prisoners across the country on Thursday, a day after the Human Rights Watch condemned the regime for having doubled the arrest and detention of political prisoners.
An announcement on the State-run Television in Burma on Thursday evening said, the government has decided to give amnesty to 7,114 prisoners across the country on humanitarian grounds and to enable them to be useful for the state as well as to their communities.
The announcement, however, did not make any mention of political prisoners.
Ohn Kyaing, spokesperson of the main opposition party the National League for Democracy said, while expectations are low on the possibilities of the inclusion of political prisoners among those released, he added, “We are hoping against all odds.”
On Wednesday, the HRW, the New York-based advocacy group, said Burma’s ruling junta in the past two years had intensified arrest of dissidents and are currently detaining more than 2,200 political prisoners including 100, who were arrested in recent months.
HRW, in a new report titled “Burma’s Forgotten Prisoners” said Burma’s military regime has arrested and detained dozens of prominent political activists, Buddhist monks, labour activists, journalists, and artists since the peaceful political protests in 2007 and sentenced them to draconian prison terms following unfair trials.
Burma’s military rulers, however, have constantly denied having any political prisoners and proclaimed implementing a seven-step roadmap to democracy.
But HRW said, “Burma's rulers should immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners… if scheduled elections in 2010 are to have any credibility.”
It is still not known if the 7,114 prisoners that are being granted amnesty on Thursday would include any political prisoners.
The announcement on Thursday is in keeping with the Burmese Ambassador to the United Nations Than Swe’s promise to the Security Council in July, after the Secretary General’s failed trip to the country, where he was denied a request to meet opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Than Swe told the Council that at the request of the UN Secretary General his government, “is processing to grant amnesty to prisoners on humanitarian grounds and to enable them to participate in the 2010 general elections.”
Tom Malinowski, HRW’s advocacy director in Washington, in a statement said, "Despite recent conciliatory visits by UN and foreign officials, the military government is actually increasing the number of critics it is throwing into its squalid prisons."
"Burma's generals are planning elections next year that will be a sham if their opponents are in prison," Malinowski added.
The HRW is also launching a new global campaign “2100 by 2010” calling for the release of all political prisoners in Burma by 2010.
"We named the campaign ‘2100 by 2010' in July - but since then, the number has grown to approximately 2250," said Malinowski.
"The United States, China, India, and Burma's neighbours in Southeast Asia should make the release of all political prisoners a central goal of their engagement with Burma, and use every tool of influence and leverage they have to achieve it," urged Malinowski.
HRW also said that the ruling junta, instead of arresting and detaining political prisoners including Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and other student leaders, monks and intellectuals, should be allowed to participate in helping the country.
“Instead of being persecuted and imprisoned, people like Zargana, U Gambira, Su Su Nway and Min Ko Naing should be allowed to help their country," said Malinowski.
The HRW also urged foreign officials, who visit Burma, not to just meet Aung San Suu Kyi, but other Burmese political activists in prison to solicit their views and show support for their courageous and important work. |
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| Human Rights Report Showcases Political Prisoners |
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A new Human Rights Watch report dramatically showcased the rise in political prisoners in Burma one day after anti-sanction Sen Jim Webb met with US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
The 35-page report, “Burma’s Forgotten Prisoners,” features dozens of prominent political activists, Buddhist monks, labor activists, journalists and artists arrested since peaceful political protests in 2007 and sentenced to draconian prison terms after unfair trials.
Sen Jim Webb met with Clinton on Tuesday to present his views on lifting US sanctions and engaging the junta.
At a news conference in Washington on Wednesday upon the release of the report, US Sen Barbara Boxer said, “The Burmese government should not be rewarded for its bad behavior.”
While Boxer did not directly refer to the views of Webb, who last month became the first US lawmaker in a decade to visit Burma, it was clear that she did not support her Senate colleague’s approach.
Boxer said the junta is intent on ruling Burma with an iron fist and a disregard for basic human rights and democracy.
Webb, who met Sen-Gen Than Shwe and Aung San Suu Kyi during his trip, has been advocating a more open US policy towards Burma.
It is understood that Webb shared his thoughts with Clinton and details of his meetings with Than Shwe and Suu Kyi. The State Department did not comment on the meeting.
In the report, Human Rights Watch said that Burma’s military government should release all political prisoners.
“Burma’s generals are planning elections next year that will be a sham if their opponents are in prison,” said Tom Malinowski, the Washington advocacy director at Human Rights Watch.
“Despite recent conciliatory visits by UN and foreign officials, the military government is actually increasing the number of critics it is throwing into its squalid prisons,” he said.
Boxer said: “We have all seen what this military dictatorship is capable of: we have heard the stories and seen too many images of bloody crackdowns in the streets, of protestors being beaten, of prisoners being tortured, of basic necessities being denied to the Burmese people in the face of natural disaster and tragedy.”
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| Myanmar frees thousands |
| Thursday, 17 September 2009 |
YANGON - MILITARY-RULED Myanmar released 7,114 prisoners on Thursday for their 'good conduct", official media reported, although political detainees are unlikely to be among them.
Myanmar state television said the prisoners, held in jails and detention centres across the country, had shown 'good conduct and discipline' and were released for the benefit of their families.
The announcement came late on Thursday in the form of text at the bottom of the screen during a soap opera and did not say whether any of those freed were among the estimated 2,000 political prisoners held in the country.
The United States, a major critic of political repression in Myanmar, has long sought to press the military junta that has ruled since 1962 to free Nobel peace prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi. She is under house arrest and has spent 14 of the past 20 years in detention of one form or another.
The US advocacy group Human Rights Watch said this week that the junta had more than doubled the number of political prisoners since it quashed since pro-democracy protests in 2007.
Nyan Win, spokesman for the opposition National League for Democracy party, which has more than 500 of its members in detention, could not confirm if any were among those released.
In September last year, Myanmar's junta released 9,002 prisoners as a gesture of its 'loving kindness and goodwill'. -- REUTERS
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| Burmese political prisoner count ‘doubled' since 2007 |
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Sept 16, 2009 (DVB)–The number of political prisoners in Burma has more than doubled in the past two years, according to a report published by a New York-based rights group.
Unless the 2,200 political prisoners are released soon, the elections scheduled for March 2010 will hold no credibility, according to Human Rights Watch (HRW), who today released ‘Burma’s Forgotten Prisoners’.
The 35-page reports documents dozens of activists, monks and journalists who have been imprisoned since the September 2007 monk-led uprising.
"Burma's generals are planning elections next year that will be a sham if their opponents are in prison," said Tom Malinowski, Washington advocacy director at Human Rights Watch.
"Despite recent conciliatory visits by [United Nations] and foreign officials, the military government is actually increasing the number of critics it is throwing into its squalid prisons."
The report coincides with the start of HRW’s ‘2100 for 2010’ campaign, which aims to pressure the ruling junta into releasing all political prisoners by 2010.
"We named the campaign ‘2100 by 2010' in July - but since then, the number has grown to approximately 2250," said Malinowski.
"The United States, China, India, and Burma's neighbors in Southeast Asia should make the release of all political prisoners a central goal of their engagement with Burma, and use every tool of influence and leverage they have to achieve it."
Burma opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi was in August sentenced to a further 18 months under house arrest in a move widely seen by critics of the junta as a ploy to keep her in detention during the elections.
Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party is yet to announce whether they will run in the elections, which many see as a foregone conclusion given that the redrafted 2008 constitution appears to guarantee continuation of military rule.
According to the constitution, even prior to voting at least 25 percent of parliamentary seats will be awarded to military generals.
A constitutional clause also bars Suu Kyi from running for office, were she to be released, because she was married to a foreigner.
Reporting by Francis Wade |
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| NLD ‘Youth Working Groups’ set up in 69 townships |
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New Delhi (Mizzima) – National League for Democracy, Burma’s main opposition party, is consolidating its youth and women party members across the country and has formed ‘Youth Working Groups’ in 69 townships in the past six months.
The Central Youth Working Group has formed regional youth working groups in 69 townships in Rangoon, Mandalay, Irrawaddy, Pegu, Tenasserim divisions and Kachin, Arakan and Mon states.
“We have formed these working groups and are infusing new blood in our party to get it ready and consolidate systematically. The new groups will be a bridge between the masses and the youth and masses and leaders. We are training them to emerge as a potent force,” the In-charge (2) of the NLD’s Central Youth Working Group told Mizzima.
The Central Youth Advisory Committee member Ohn Kyaing said, “Yes, we have been doing this work for about four to five months. We are coordinating with the Township and Divisional Organizing Committees in implementing it”.
Each of these township-wise youth working groups is comprised of 5 to 14 members and they are being given trainings in democracy, human rights and ethnic rights.
“We are reconsolidating these scattered youth forces. We educate them about democracy and human rights, which have been lost in Burma. We train them and make them aware of the current situation in the country, which is deprived of democracy, human rights, fundamental rights of the people and ethnic rights,” the youth in-charge said.
The Youth Working Groups members from the States and Divisions are called to the Rangoon party head office and given training in law, politics, labour, farmers and human rights, computer, and English language among others.
However, the Central Youth Wing members are not left without harassment by local authorities, who are keeping close watch over their movements, in their efforts to form local youth working groups in various township.
Ohn Kyaing said, members of the pro-junta civilian organization - Union Solidarity and Development Association – had harassed the NLD youths from forming working committees in Madaya township of Mandalay Division.
“We have to submit the list of the local youth wing members to the local authorities. Then the Madaya USDA threatened the youth wing members with arrest if they join this youth working group,” Khin Maung Than, Chairman of the Madaya Township NLD told Mizzima.
Similar harassments and difficulties were encountered in Kachin State while forming the local youth working groups. Despite of the harassments, the NLD youths said, they were able to set up local units in Monyin, Mogaung and Tanai Townships.
The NLD youths, who began the campaign for forming youth working groups in March, had been so far successful in forming such working groups across Burma with 24 units in Rangoon Division, 14 in Mandalay Division, 11 in Irrawaddy Division, three in Kachin State, one in Arakan State, and five in Tenasserim Division, totaling 69.
The NLD Youths said, they will continue the campaign in other parts of the country as part of their efforts to create awareness on the current political situation of Burma. |
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| Burmese rebels clarifies court over prosecution statement |
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New Delhi (Mizzima) – The City Sessions Court in India’s Kolkata city on Tuesday sought clarifications from 34 Burmese rebels, who are currently facing trial on charges of gunrunning.
The trial resumed on Monday after the testimony of prosecution witnesses wrapped up earlier this month.
Akshay Kumar Sharma, one of the defense lawyers, representing the 34 accused, who are currently being held in Kolkata’s Presidency Jail, told Mizzima in an interview on Tuesday, the Judge formally questioned the 34 rebels on the matters related to the allegation made in the statement of the prosecution witnesses.
“Today, the judge read the statements from prosecution witnesses in their entirety and asked the accused one more question from that statement,” Sharma said.
Charged with illegal gun-running, India’s Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), is acting as the prosecution against the 34 ethnic Arakan and Karen of Burma, who were arrested in February 1998.
The prosecution witnesses’ statement and the judge’s question of clarification from the accused came after nearly three years of trial proceedings, which began in October 2006.
The 34 Burmese ethnic rebels are members of the National Unity Party of Arakan (NUPA) and Karen National Union, armed groups fighting against the Burmese military regime.
They were arrested in 1998, during a joint operation carried out by Indian Army, Navy and Coast guards, in Landfall Island of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
Indian Military establishment claimed that the rebels were gun-runners connected with insurgents in India’s Northeastern region.
But the rebels said, they were doubled crossed by Indian intelligence, who promised them the Landfall Island to be used as a base in exchange for providing intelligence on Chinese naval movements.
Following the arrest, the rebels were detained in Port Blair of the Andaman Islands, without any charges and no trial for eight years.
But in October 2006, following an appeal by a Human Rights lawyer Nandita Haksar, the Supreme Court ordered a transfer of the rebels to Kolkata and to conduct a day-to-day trial.
On Tuesday, the rebels told the judge they are not criminals but are freedom fighters, fighting for human rights and democracy in military-ruled Burma.
Sharma, in an earlier interview with Mizzima said, several key witnesses of CBI had failed to appear before the court and the prosecution has no strong evidences to prove their charges against the accused.
Sharma also said, the 34 rebels, if found guilty, could be further detained and face deportation. But even if they are proven innocent, they are still vulnerable to deportation because they are foreigners, unless granted asylum by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and accepted by a third country for protection. |
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| Court continues hearing of detained Burmese rebels |
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New Delhi (Mizzima) - Burmese rebels, who are currently undergoing trial at a City Sessions Court in India’s Kolkata, on Wednesday, told the Court that they were not criminals, but freedom fighters from Burma, and they were betrayed by an Indian military intelligence officer.
In the statements signed by 17 of the 34 Burmese rebels on Wednesday, the rebels said they were not gunrunners and were not criminals, but are fighting for democracy and human rights in Burma, which is under military rule.
“Seventeen of the accused signed their statements today, and the other 17 will sign their statements on Thursday,” Siddharth Agarwal, one of the defense lawyers of the rebels, said.
The statements were given by the accused in response to the judge’s questions, which were based on the allegations made by the prosecution witnesses.
The rebels, who belong to Arakan and Karen ethnic nationalities of Burma, were arrested by Indian military personnel in Landfall Island in February 1998.
While the Indian military establishment claimed that they were arrested for gunrunning, the rebels said they were freedom fighters against military rule in Burma and were betrayed by the Indian military intelligence, who promised to allow them a base on Landfall Island.
In the statement to the Court, the rebels said, it was a false case and the prosecution's witnesses have deposed falsely. And that they were not criminals and had an invitation by Indian authorities through a military intelligence officer named Lt. Colonel Grewal who speaks Burmese fluently.
The rebels said, they were met by Indian forces in February 1998, on the high seas, near the Coco Islands and were taken to the Landfall Island, which is a small island, included among the archipelago.
The accused said, they were blindfolded by Indian forces, who then took away six of their leaders, following which they heard gun shots.
“After that we never saw our leaders again,” the rebels told the Court on Wednesday, according to their lawyer.
Agarwal said the prosecution witnesses alleged that the accused were illegal foreigners entering India and in possession of arms and ammunition. However, the rebels in their statement denied having any arms and ammunition with them.
“We have a good case, we hope for acquittal,” Agarwal said, adding that the prosecution was unable to produce enough evidence to support their allegations.
The rebels, who were members of the National United Party of Arakan (NUPA) and Karen National Union (KNU), armed groups fighting against the Burmese military junta, following their arrest in 1998, were kept in detention in Port Blair for eight years.
The Supreme Court, after receiving an appeal from human rights lawyer, Nandita Hakshar, in October 2006, ordered the rebels to be moved to Kolkata's Presidency Jail and to conduct a day to day trial.
The Court wrapped up the hearing of more than 20 prosecution witnesses in early September this year. While 17 of the accused gave their statements on Wednesday, the remaining 17 will give their statements to the allegations made by the prosecution witnesses on Thursday.
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| Suu Kyi Blocked from Attending Appeal Hearing |
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Burmese authorities are not allowing Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi to hear her appeal in person at the Rangoon Division Court on Thursday, said Suu Kyi’s lawyer, Nyan Win.
Nyan Win said police told him they could not take her to the court, which has sole jurisdiction over Suu Kyi’s case.
The police from Special Intelligence Department, known as "special branch," stationed at Suu Kyi’s compound would normally escort her to the court, said Nyan Win.
Suu Kyi’s appeal was accepted by the Rangoon Division Court on Sept. 4, and the hearing will take place on Thursday at 10 a.m.
Suu Kyi was sentenced to 18 months under house arrest on Aug. 11 on the charge of allowing an American, John William Yettaw, to stay at her lakeside home when she was under house arrest.
Suu Kyi was initially sentenced to three years imprisonment by Rangoon Northern District Court. However, a special order from junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe stated that because Suu Kyi is the daughter of national hero Gen Aung San, her sentence would be commuted to 18 months under house arrest.
Suu Kyi has spent nearly 14 of the last 20 years under detention, mostly under house arrest.
Her current period of detention began after her arrest in May 2003, when a convoy of vehicles in which she was traveling was attacked by military regime-backed thugs in Depayin Township in Sagaing Division, central Burma.
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| Was Win Tin Speaking for Suu Kyi? |
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There is growing speculation among Burma observers that an opinion piece that appeared in The Washington Post last week actually expressed the views of National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
The commentary, written by senior NLD member Win Tin, denounced next year’s planned election as a sham and criticized US Senator James Webb, who recently visited Burma, for advocating engagement with Burma’s ruling regime.
Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, Win Tin denied suggestions that he wrote the piece on Suu Kyi’s behalf.
“If the commentary reflects Suu Kyi’s opinions, [it’s because] we have very similar thinking. But we haven’t met for ages, so I don’t know what she is thinking now,” he said.
He added that the fact he quoted Suu Kyi in the commentary shows that her views are similar to his own, which he said were fundamentally in line with the party’s political stance.
“I’m a hardliner in the NLD, but I don’t go against the party,” he said.
Win Tin was summoned for questioning for several hours on Saturday. He said he was taken into custody because the authorities wanted to ask him about financial support he allegedly received from a foreign country, as well as his contact with opposition members who were arrested earlier this month.
Some suspect that his arrest might also have had something to do with his commentary, which strongly rebuked Webb for urging the democratic opposition to participate in next year’s election.
“That commentary was a response to the meeting between Suu Kyi and Webb, and to Webb’s comments. It accurately reflected Suu Kyi’s views,” said Moe Zaw Oo, the secretary of the National League for Democracy (Liberated Area) Foreign Affairs Committee.
Thakin Chan Tun, a veteran politician and diplomat, said, “Win Tin and Suu Kyi have the same goal. He is one of the leaders of the NLD and will not neglect his view. Most members of the party agree with him.”
Eighty-year-old Win Tin spent 19 years in Rangoon’s notorious Insein Prison until his release last year. Since then, he has spoken frequently to international and Burmese exiled media, often criticizing the ruling regime’s plans to create a military-backed civilian government.
“Some international observers view next year’s planned elections as an opportunity. But under the circumstances imposed by the military’s constitution, the election will be a sham,” he wrote in his commentary.
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| Food Shortages Reported in Laogai |
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Tens of thousands of Kokang civilians are experiencing food shortages, partly because UN and NGO agencies have suspended aid projects after the clash between government troops and Kokang militias, according to the sources on the China-Burma border.
A Burmese source based in Ruili in China's Yunnan Province, said, “Previously, they relied on aid from WFP (World Food Program) and NGOs, but now the projects are suspended in the region and they don’t have enough rice to eat.”
The source said that available rice stock goes first to government forces.
“Laogai has become a military township,” he said. “The military is everywhere.”
A spokeswoman with the WFP in Rangoon told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, “We don’t know yet when we will restart our projects there. At the moment, we want to see a safe situation for our staff who works there.”
An estimated 120,000 people rely on the UN and NGO agencies for food and other aid, according to the WFP.
About 100 UN and NGO aid workers were trapped in Laogai Township after Burmese government troops and Kokang militias clashed in August. Many aid workers work with former opium farmers who are now growing substitute crops and in community development.
The Burmese government, in a recent press conference in Laogai, said that all markets and schools are open and many businesses are reopened.
“All those saying that are just repeating propaganda,” said the source. “There are still many students in China at refugee camps and many shopkeepers haven’t come back.”
Many people are afraid to return because they fear government troops will again clash with the Kokang militia led by Peng Jiasheng, who is on the run and reportedly in Wa territory.
An estimated 13,000 Kokang refugees have returned from China, and more than 20,000 are believed to have remained in Chinese refugee camps.
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| Monks under the Eye of the Junta |
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On the two-year anniversary of the monk-led September mass demonstrations, the military junta keeps a close eye on the estimated 400,000 Buddhist monks in Burma with continued surveillance and propaganda in the media.
Security forces are present at the annual examinations for monks from Sept. 14 to 30 at Sangha [Monk] University in Rangoon.
About 60 soldiers are stationed in the university compound, according to monks taking examinations.
Meanwhile, in recent months publications in Rangoon and other cities have printed stories warning people of the dangers of a division between Theravada Buddhists and Mahayana Buddhists. Most Burmese are Theravada Buddhist.
The papers accused well-known Buddhist writers such as Parugu, Aye Maung, Chit Nge, Ashin Thoma Buddhi and Kyaw Hein, a veteran actor turned monk, as fostering confusion among Buddhists.
A main target of the stories is a former political prisoner, Ashin Nyana, a monk who exposes an alternative view of Buddhism that differs from traditional Theravada Buddhism. Since the 1980s, Ashin Nyana has advocated what he calls Paccuppanna [the present] Karma Buddhism. Unlike most monks in Burma who wear saffron robes, he wears sky blue robes.
He was charged with discrediting Buddhism in 1983 and served three years in prison. He was arrested again in 1991and received a 10-year prison sentence. He was released in 1998 in an amnesty.
“People are saying now that these papers were published by the Military Affairs Security [military intelligence] or the government-backed Union Solidarity and Development Association to create dissension among monks,” said a journalist in Rangoon.
In fact, Buddhism actually promotes critical thinking. The Kalama Sutta said: “Do not accept anything by mere tradition...Do not accept anything just because it accords with your scriptures...Do not accept anything merely because it agrees with your pre-conceived notions...But when you know for yourselves—these things are moral, these things are blameless, these things are praised by the wise, these things, when performed and undertaken, conduce to well-being and happiness—then do you live acting accordingly.”
Correspondent Ba Saw Tin contributed reporting from Bangkok.
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| Burma junta ‘fears domination’ by China |
| Tuesday, 15 September 2009 |
Sept 14, 2009 (DVB)–The strength of relations between Burma and China should not be overstated, according to a think tank who said today that continued reliance on China to affect change in Burma is misguided.
The Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG) released a report today countering the widely held belief that China holds the key to Burma’s future.
“While China has substantial political, economic and strategic stakes in Myanmar [Burma], its influence is overstated” said the report, China’s Myanmar Dilemma.
“The relationship between China and Myanmar is best characterised as a marriage of convenience rather than a love match,” it said, adding that the nationalistic junta leaders “do not take orders from anyone”.
China is the ruling junta’s principal ally, whose power of veto in the United Nations has on a number of occasions saved Burma from Security Council action.
Business relations are growing stronger, with China this month beginning work on a multi-billion dollar project to construct oil and gas pipelines across Burma connecting southern China with the Bay of Bengal.
Yet according to the ICG, political instability in Burma could prove costly for Chinese business interests across the border.
“China should recognise that its economic interests are threatened by the status quo, where Myanmar is identified as one of the most corrupt countries,” David Steinberg, deputy president of the ICG, told DVB today, adding that instability in Burma “could thwart those interests”.
Furthermore, according to the report, regional competition over Burma’s resources “has allowed Myanmar to counterbalance China by strengthening cooperation with other countries such as India, Russia, Thailand, Singapore, North Korea and Malaysia”.
Relations between the two countries appeared fragile last month after fighting between Burmese troops and an armed ethnic group in northeastern Burma forced some 37,000 refugees across the border into China.
In a rare rebuke from Beijing, the Chinese foreign ministry urged Burma to "properly deal with its domestic issue to safeguard the regional stability in the China-Myanmar [Burma] border area".
The ICG urged the international community to recognise the limitations of both China’s influence, and actual desire to influence, the Burmese government, but that all regional stakeholder’s “should take part in a meaningful and concerted effort to address the transition in Myanmar.”
Reporting by Than Win Htut |
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| ‘Total will remain in Burma’: Chief |
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New Delhi (Mizzima) - Chief of French oil giant Total, Christophe de Margerie, on Friday made it absolutely clear that the company does not have any political agenda and that it would not move out of Burma, because of accusations leveled by NGOs that it was supporting the ruling generals.
Margerie, in an interview to the French newspaper Le Parisien, published on Friday, said Total will not move out of Burma as a portion of the country’s population is benefiting from its presence and they would be merely replaced by other companies, which will not alter the income of the military junta.
On Thursday EarthRights International, a US-based NGO, in a report said the revenue from Total and the Yadana gas project in Southern Burma, which also involves US Oil Company Chevron and Thailand's PTTEP, had generated $4.83 billion for the regime since 2000, nearly all of which was siphoned off from the national revenue and into offshore bank accounts in Singapore.
ERI and other NGOs have urged Total and other companies to pull out of Burma as their business involvement in the country continues to benefit the ruling regime, which carries on violating the rights of its own citizens in the name of development projects such as natural gas exploration.
But Total’s chief De Margerie said, “The mission of Total is not to restore democracy in the world. This is not our business. We are not a political tool or an NGO.”
“I think instead what we do is positive for a portion of the population. The fatal argument is that the gas money benefits the junta. But if this gas was not produced by Total, it would be produced by others, and this would not alter the income of the junta,” De Margarie said.
Besides, the Total chief also said, the detained Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi during his meeting had not asked Total to move out of Burma.
“I know what the lady [Aung San Suu Kyi] told me. I promised not to reveal our interviews. However, I can tell you this: she never asked to leave Burma. Ever! That to me is important,” De Margerie said.
“I can assure you that she prefers to work with us than others,” he added.
Total and Chevron are two of a number of western companies still operating in Burma, despite stringent US and European Union sanctions on the country for the regime’s appalling human rights abuses.
Along with them, several Asian companies including South Korea’s Daewoo International, Korean Gas, and Indian companies Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) and Gas Authority of India Limited (GAIL), are involved in gas exploration in Burma.
Campaigners along with Burmese pro-democracy activists have long urged these companies to move out of the country saying their involvement continues to provide financial lifeline to the regime. |
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| Offices of Burmese groups in Thailand raided |
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New Delhi (Mizzima) - Unprecedented security checks has led to Thailand’s police raiding the offices of some Burmese opposition groups based in northern Thailand’s Chiang Mai city on Sunday, opposition members said.
The police, according to Burmese opposition members, came with a list of addresses of Burmese offices and took photographs.
“Since there was only our office worker in our office, we did not have any problem, but the police took photographs of the office,” a Burmese activist, whose office was also among those visited by the police, told Mizzima.
While Thailand’s Royal Police could not be reached on Monday for comment, a Burmese activist said, “This is the first time in many years that this kind of widespread search and interrogation has been made. I believe there is something behind this. “It is a targeted search, because it has been carried out only on Burmese organizations. It could be politically connected,” he further speculated.
The Thai police have often raided the offices of Burmese organizations in the past. But the source said it was never conducted in such a widespread manner.
“They have the list of most of the Burmese groups including some of the media offices in exile,” said a Burmese activist, who requested not to be named for security reasons.
Aung Myo Myint, Director of the Human Rights Education Institute of Burma (HREIB), whose office was also among those searched, said interrogating a human rights office is in violation of the basic rights of the people and condemned the action of the police.
“We are working to promote human rights and coming to our office and interrogating us is violating our basic rights,” he said.
According to the Migrant Assistant Program (MAP) and other NGOs, currently Thailand hosts about two million Burmese migrant workers and about 140,000 refugees in nine camps along the Thai-Burma border. |
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| Defector KNLA Captain killed in ambush |
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Mae Sot (Mizzima) - A former Karen National Liberation Army Captain, who defected to the Burmese Army, was killed in an attack by his former battalion, sources in the KNLA said.
Captain Ta Baw, who defected to the ruling military junta last year, was killed on September 5, during an ambush by soldiers of KNLA’s 6th Brigade’s Battalion 201.
The former KNLA officer earlier this year was assigned by the military junta, officially known as State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), to work with the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, a splinter group that broke away from the KNLA.
While the Captain retained his rank either side – the KNLA and Burmese Army – did not consider his defection of any great significance.
The Captain, after defecting leaked intelligence to the DKBA and SPDC about Wah Lay Kee’s defences, the former base of the KNLA’s 201 battalion, which earlier this year was overrun by the joint forces of the DKBA and the Burmese Army.
Wah Lay Kee fell on April 28, when the KNLA pulled out after a 14-day siege that left many dead and scores injured.
Ta Baw was killed by landmines – stepping on to a mine and staggering onto another - during an ambush launched by the KNLA, the armed wing of the Karen National Union, which is the longest operating insurgent group in Burma, that has fought the central government for over 60 years.
KNLA sources said, the DKBA Captain Ta Baw died of blood loss in the field, during the skirmishes, where two other Burmese soldiers were also wounded, with one reportedly dying later.
The attack occurred in the Kanelay area of Karen State, in the mountainous areas between Wah Lay Kee and Umphiem Mai refugee camp, to the south of Thailand’s border town of Mae Sot.
Colonel Nerdah Mya, a KNLA commander, said neither the Burmese Army nor the DKBA would cry over Ta Baw’s death.
“They don’t care,” he said.
“It’s just another dead Karen, better we die fighting each other in their eyes,” Col Nerdah Mya, said.
On Monday, Colonel Nerdah, who is currently in the field, backed a claim made last week by KNU Vice President David Thackrabaw that DKBA leaders are feuding.
“That’s right, they know that if the KNU is eliminated then they will be next,” he said. “They’ve got to be smarter than that, surely.”
Following the KNLA’s defeat of the 7th Brigade, during June and July, KNLA commanders expected a rapid advance to their 5th Brigade. But so far the anticipated attack on KNLA 5th Brigade, near Mae Sariang, across the Moei River, has not occurred.
Thackrabaw last week said the 7th Brigade was the KNLA’s weakest, still reeling after former Brigadier-General Htein Maung’s defection in 2006 to form the KNU/KNLA Peace Council.
Peace Council vehicles, once boldly emblazoned with the militia’s name, still move around Mae Sot, but have been stripped of all markings, some observers suggesting they too have fallen foul of Thai authorities.
Thailand early this year demanded all KNLA commanders and senior KNU figures leave safe havens in Thailand, upping the pressure on the ethnic army that has in the past enjoyed cordial relations with senior Thai military figures.
The KNLA in recent months has been facing a joint military operation launched by the Burmese Army and the DKBA, with some observers suggesting that the junta is campaigning to eliminate them.
The KNU, which took to arms since Burma’s independence from British colonials in 1947, has been waging war against successive military regimes demanding self-determination and greater autonomy. |
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| Peng Jiasheng Breaks His Silence |
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The ousted Kokang leader, Peng Jiasheng, has told The Irrawaddy that the Burmese military government attack on his headquarters in Laogai was an attempt by the junta to eliminate the Kokang and other armed ethnic groups and achieve a military-run “unified” country.
In his first interview since the fall of Laogai on August 24 and the subsequent exodus of more than 30,000 refugees to China, Peng claimed the Burmese government troops have killed and raped civilians, and have looted houses and shops in Laogai.
“Many people are still afraid to go back home,” he said. “Most of the shops owned by Chinese businessmen have either been destroyed or looted. This is a calamity. The prosperous town we had a few months ago no longer exists. People are living in deep distress.”
Last month, in a surprise move, the military regime broke its ceasefire with several ethnic groups by seizing the Kokang capital.
Since the attack, instability has been reverberating throughout Kachin and Shan states and the towns along the Sino-Burmese border in China’s Yunnan Province.
Other ceasefire groups in northern and northeastern Burma—in particular, the United Wa State Army, the Kachin Independence Army and the National Democratic Alliance Army—have been digging in and building defenses against a potential attack by junta forces.
During the attack on Laogai, the regime said that it was searching for illegal drugs and weapons.
During a press briefing last week, Burma's Deputy Home Affairs Minister Brig-Gen Phone Swe said that government troops had seized a weapons factory near the Chinese border on August 8 after being informed about it during a ministerial meeting with China on combating transnational crime.
The junta earlier said the ethnic Kokang militia raided a police checkpoint and took 39 police officers hostage. Fifteen officers were later killed, leading to full-scale fighting that state media say left 11 soldiers and eight militia members dead.
In response to the regime’s allegations that the Kokang leader was running an illegal weapons factory, Peng told The Irrawaddy: “Many of our weapons need repairing. It is reasonable to have a weapons-repair factory. This factory was well-known to all the SPDC [State Peace and Development Council] officials in Kokang. They have visited it before. Now they are using it as an excuse to take action against us.
“The Burmese national army is the strongest force in the country. They can crack down on whichever ethnic groups they want. They can accuse any ceasefire group of drugs or weapons or anything.”
Despite a reputation for being one of the most prominent drug traffickers in the region, Peng hit back at Naypyidaw saying there is no poppy cultivation in any of the special regions of Shan State, and that investigations by international agencies have confirmed this.
“In SPDC-controlled areas, there are more than 250,000 mu [Chinese land unit, equivalent to 667 square meters] of cultivated poppy. This is the practice of the junta, and this is how they behave,” he said.
Exclusive interview with Peng Jiasheng available at Irrawaddy.org
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| The Junta’s Twin August Offensives |
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After more than four decades of rule, the Burmese military government is confronting the two main centers of domestic opposition to its power in a bid to increase security and prolong military rule before the elections next year.
Having effectively kept pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi out of the elections by sentencing her to a further 18 months of house arrest, the military regime’s forces broke the ceasefire with ethnic groups by seizing the Kokang capital of Laogai on August 24.
Since the military regime’s attack, instability has been reverberating through Kachin State, Shan State and the towns along the Sino-Burmese border in China’s Yunnan Province.
Other ceasefire groups in northern and northeastern Burma, such as the United Wa State Army, the Kachin Independence Army and the eastern Shan State-based National Democratic Alliance Army have been building up defenses against a potential attack by regime troops.
“The [Burmese] government would like to assert more authority over the ethnic minorities in the highlands, leading to the problems of the past few days,” said Michael Charney, a Burma expert from the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies, in an email to the The Irrawaddy. The ceasefire agreements between the ethnic groups and the junta left potentially volatile situations in place, he said.
According to journalists and political observers in Rangoon, the junta is not yet ready to promulgate the election law, though the elections are scheduled to be held in 2010. With only three months remaining this year, time is running out.
If the junta wants to hold elections under the 2008 constitution, in accordance with the provisions of the constitution, it has to demonstrate that there is only one commander-in-chief and that the regime’s army is the only armed force in Burma, observer’s say.
“We can see that by sentencing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on August 11, the military regime made sure there would be no worthy political challenger in the 2010 elections. After removing her from the picture, the generals turned on their other main enemies,” said Chan Tun, a veteran politician from Rangoon.
The National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Suu Kyi, and the Wa, Kokang and Mongla ethnic ceasefire groups have called for the constitution to be reviewed before the elections.
In 2005, Wa, Kokang and the Mongla delegates to the National Convention called for full autonomy and separation from Shan State, as well as guarantees that their armed militias would remain under their control.
At the end of the fourteen-year-long national convention process in 2007, however, the junta ignored all their demands when the handpicked Constitution Drafting Committee finalized the constitution.
“After the junta ignored their demands at the national convention, the ethnic groups knew a showdown had to come soon,” said Aung Kyaw Zaw, a former communist who observes Burma military affairs from China’s Yunnan Province.
“But ceasefire groups, particularly the Kokang, failed to prepare properly, which is why Laogai fell to regime troops so easily,” he said.
The junta generals, meanwhile, must be wondering whether the simultaneous offensives against urban political opposition and ethnic ceasefire groups have been wise.
“I wonder why the regime is risking conflict with the ethnic militias now. They may want to get control before the elections—but the junta could destabilize the whole country,” said Mikeal Gravers, a Burma expert from Aarhus University, Denmark.
Charney said the Burmese junta will face many similar problems in the coming year, because the generals want ethnic and political stability in order to hold elections and conclude the domestic problems that are bringing so much international attention.
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| Win Tin Released after Questioning |
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Win Tin, a senior member of Burma’s main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), was taken into custody by special police intelligence officers for several hours today, according to close friends.
The sources reported that he was summoned for questioning at around 10 a.m. while visiting a colleague at his home in Kyauk Kone, in Rangoon’s Yankin Township.
He returned to his home at around 5 p.m., the sources said.
“U Win Tin was taken by four police intelligence officers who said they had to ask him something,” said a close friend who requested anonymity, speaking earlier today.
“He went with them carrying only enough medicine for one day,” the friend added.
Eighty-year-old Win Tin spent 19 years in Rangoon’s notorious Insein prison until his release last year. Since then, he has spoken frequently to international and Burmese exiled media, often criticizing the ruling regime’s plans to create a military-backed civilian government.
In an opinion piece that appeared in The Washington Post on Wednesday, Win Tin denounced the Burmese regime’s planned election in 2010 as a sham, and strongly rebuked US Senator James Webb, who recently visited Burma, for his uncritical pro-engagement stance.
“Some international observers view next year’s planned elections as an opportunity. But under the circumstances imposed by the military’s constitution, the election will be a sham,” he wrote.
Although he said he could understand Webb’s desire to seek a meaningful dialogue with the Burmese ruling authorities, Win Tin rejected the senator’s calls to participate in a political process designed to keep the military in power.
“Unfortunately, [Webb’s] efforts have been damaging to our democracy movement and focus on the wrong issue—the potential for an ‘election’ that Webb wants us to consider participating in next year as part of a long-term political strategy. But the showcase election planned by the military regime makes a mockery of the freedom sought by our people and would make military dictatorship permanent,” he wrote.
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| Chinese Blood on Burmese Soil |
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Peng Jiasheng is the Kokang leader whose residence was raided by government troops on August 8, setting off a regime offensive and leading to the loss of the Kokang region to junta troops. He was interviewed by The Irrawaddy on the reasons for the offensive, the role of China, the allegations of illegal drug trafficking, the borders guard force and the future of ethnic minorities in Burma.
Question: How would you describe the current situation in the Kokang region?
Answer: The incident on August 8 was the junta’s excuse. It wanted to do away with the local ethnic minority army a long time ago. A larger nationality wants to eliminate a smaller one. This is typical nationalistic chauvinism. This was a massacre.
In order to avoid further harm to the Kokang people, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) retreated. This is not what we wanted and also it is not what the people in the international community who support our people would like to see.
Now the situation in Kokang is even more complicated. Currently, the situation is very bad. The government troops took over the Kokang area for about 10 days, but there were many reported cases where their soldiers committed robbery, rape and killed civilians. Many people are still afraid to go back home. Most of the shops owned by Chinese businessmen were either destroyed or robbed. This is a calamity. The prosperous environment of Kokang of only a few months ago no longer exists. People are living in deep distress.
This conflict has brought great trauma to the Kokang people. The war will be long. It will be impossible to end soon.
Q: The ceasefire agreement you signed with the regime in 1989 has collapsed. What do you believe was the motive behind the offensive and the regime’s attempt to arrest you?
A: In March 1989, the Kokang people agreed to peace and development. In the same year, 17 other local ethnic armed forces also started peace talks with the junta. This brought to an end the large scale of armed conflict in the country.
The alliance army is also one of the legal ethnic armed forces that were recognized by the military government. Over the past 20 years of peace and development, the Kokang was the first group in the country to promise the international community that we would stop drug production. We enforced the ban on poppy cultivation in 2002 in our area. The anti-drug production effort and success were recognized by the UN and the international communities. With help from the World Food Programme, the Chinese government and other international aid agencies, we implemented a lot of poppy substitution projects, mainly to grow sugar crane, tea, walnuts and other crops. We achieved very good progress in the poppy substitution.
Step by step, the people in our area began to work their way up from poverty. This can be seen by everybody. However, as the military government wants to achieve their goal of controlling the whole country, it felt it needed to take action against the peace and the ceasefire groups.
Q: Soon after the government troops captured Laogai, the state-run-media repeatedly accused you of involvement in illegal arms factories and drugs. How do you respond to those allegations?
A: Burma is still a country without a real government. The army cannot represent the government. After the election in 1990, the junta usurped power in the country. Ever since then, there has been no proper government in our country. The international community has never officially acknowledged them as the government. Burma is currently a country managed by a temporary council that was set up by the junta. It was called the State Law and Order Restoration Council and was later changed to the State Peace and Development Council. The government army is also an ethnic armed force, so it can not represent this country.
In 1989, for the sake of the peace and welfare of the country, the Kokang people took the initiative to approach the junta-controlled council. This was to protect peace in the country, and to let the people live in peace.
>>>>>>>>
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